华语青年挺藏会：「藏人眼中的8964」不忘1989年的拉萨起义与天安门民主运动中的藏人之声
编者按：当全世界都在回忆 36 年前的六四八九大屠杀之时，我们不能忘记在六四前的西藏拉萨已经发生了大规模的抗议，大抓捕和屠杀事件，寺院和佛塔被解放军焚毁，僧人们为了救火在烈焰中被射杀。1989 年 6 月的某日，在北京王府井大街上，中央民族大学的一位藏人大学生打出：“བོད TIBET 藏：人权、自由、民主”的横幅。
As the world remembers the massacre of June 4, 1989, we cannot forget that large-scale protests, mass arrests, and killings had already occurred in Lhasa, Tibet, before June 4th. The PLA burned monasteries and stupas, and monks were shot while trying to extinguish the flames. In June 1989, a Tibetan student from the Central University for Nationalities (Minzu University of China) in Beijing unfurled a banner on Wangfujing Street that read：“བོད TIBET 藏：Human Rights, Freedom, Democracy.”
80 年代末西藏的抗议与镇压 Protests and Crackdowns in Late-1980s Tibet
1980 年代后期，西藏社会处于极端紧张的状态，藏人长年累月对中共统治下的宗教限制、文化同化政策、经济边缘化表达愤怒。1987 年 9 月 21 日，达赖喇嘛尊者在美国国会首次提出“五点和平计划”，主张将整个藏区转为非军事的和平地带，终止大规模汉人移民，保护生态环境，尊重藏人人权并与藏区未来的地位就中国政府开展真正的谈判 [1]。尽管这一倡议被国际社会广泛支持，中共外交部旋即驳斥，指责达赖喇嘛“图谋分裂国家”。
In the late 1980s, Tibetan society was in deep turmoil. Long-standing resentment against religious restrictions, cultural assimilation, and economic marginalization under Chinese rule came to a head. On September 21, 1987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama proposed the “Five-Point Peace Plan” [1] at the U.S. Congress, calling for Tibet to become a zone of peace, an end to Han migration, environmental protection, respect for human rights, and genuine negotiations with China. Though supported internationally, the Chinese government denounced it as separatist.两日后，拉萨街头爆发抗议。哲蚌寺 21 名僧侣和平游行，举着西藏雪山狮子旗，高喊“图博独立”、“达赖喇嘛万岁”，成为 1959 年后最具象征性的僧侣抗议行动之一。群众迅速聚集响应，中共动用警力将僧侣逮捕。1987 年 10 月 1 日，中国国庆日，色拉寺僧侣继续抗议，警方开枪镇压，多人被捕 [2]。
Two days later, monks from Drepung Monastery peacefully marched in Lhasa, holding the Tibetan snow lion flag and shouting “Free Tibet” and “Long live the Dalai Lama.” Crowds quickly gathered in solidarity, and police arrested the monks. On October 1, China’s National Day, monks from Sera Monastery also protested; police responded with gunfire and multiple arrests followed. [2]
最具标志性的事件发生在 1989 年 3 月。当月 5 日至 7 日，拉萨市区再次爆发大规模抗议，起初仅为少数僧人举着西藏旗帜和平游行，呼喊自由口号，但迅速演变为成千上万人参与的政治行动。3 月 6 日凌晨，武警临时指挥部向各参与镇压的单位下令开始公开镇压，从 6 日上午 9 点到下午 5 点，武警方面就收押了近 3000 人 [3]。
The most significant uprising occurred in March 1989. From March 5 to 7, monks once again led peaceful protests that escalated into a citywide movement involving thousands. At dawn on March 6, the Armed Police Command issued orders to begin open suppression. By 5 p.m. that day, nearly 3,000 people had been detained by the armed police alone. [3]
3 月 7 日午夜，中国政府在拉萨宣布“戒严”，这是中共建政后首次在西藏实施军管政策，全面封锁信息，清查藏人抗议者，逮捕范围波及僧俗民众数千人，并调动武警和解放军镇压平民示威者，据《纽约时报》引用的数据，称当时拉萨居民有 387 人死亡，721 人受伤，2100 人被拘留；僧人有 82 人死亡，37 人受伤，650 人被拘留 [4]。
At midnight on March 7, the Chinese government declared martial law in Lhasa—the first military rule in Tibet under CCP’s rule. The city was sealed off. Thousands of Tibetans, including monks and laypeople, were arrested. Paramilitary police and the PLA were deployed against civilians. According to The New York Times, 387 residents were killed, 721 injured, and 2,100 detained; among monks, 82 were killed, 37 injured, and 650 detained.[4]
拉萨戒严与六四镇压的“模板”效应
Martial Law in Lhasa as a Template for Tiananmen Massacre
1989 年 3 月拉萨戒严不仅是一次地方镇压行动，更被视作中共对异见力量治理的“先发试点”。此类“清点 - 排查 - 逮捕 - 消声”的模式，日后几乎原样复制于 1989 年 6 月北京的天安门广场。
The March 1989 martial law in Lhasa was more than a local crackdown—it became a pilot model for suppressing dissent elsewhere. The sequence of “identification, surveillance, arrests, and silencing” was later replicated almost exactly during the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown.
国务院总理李鹏于 3 月 7 日宣布在拉萨市实行戒严，戒严期间，政府关闭拉萨所有通向外界的信息渠道。外国记者被驱逐、通信线路被切断，整个城市陷入军管之下。朝圣者和游客被遣返，拉萨街头充斥军车与持枪士兵。有藏人描述：“拉萨如同临战状态，夜里不敢点灯，白天也不敢出门。”
许多僧侣在抗议后被迫离寺，部分寺庙被强制关闭整顿。大昭寺等宗教重地被军警包围，普通市民不敢靠近。
On March 7, Premier Li Peng announced martial law. The government severed Lhasa’s connections with the outside world—foreign reporters were expelled, phone lines cut, and the city militarized. Pilgrims and tourists were expelled. Military trucks and armed troops flooded the streets. One Tibetan recalled: “Lhasa felt like a war zone. At night we dared not light a lamp; by day we dared not go outside.” Monks were forced to flee, and some monasteries were shut down. Jokhang Temple and other sacred sites were surrounded by armed forces; civilians dared not approach.
有学者分析，“拉萨戒严”与而后发生的“天安门清场”之间高度相似。他指出：“西藏一直是中共统治的高压试验区，许多治理手段——包括宣传控制、高压军管、舆论遮蔽、线人系统——先在西藏部署后推广至内地。”因此，拉萨 1989 年春的镇压不应被视为边疆孤例，而是当年全国压制自由诉求的预兆 [5]。
One scholar noted striking parallels between the Lhasa crackdown and the Tiananmen massacre. “Tibet has long served as a high-pressure laboratory for CCP rule,” he wrote. Tactics like propaganda control, military policing, media blackout, and informant systems were first tested in Tibet before being applied elsewhere. [5]
藏人学生在“六四”中的参与
Tibetan Student Participation in the Tiananmen Movement
1989 年春，中国各地高校爆发学潮，抗议人潮中不乏藏人学生的身影，北京、成都、西安、西宁、兰州等城市均有藏人学生参与。
In spring 1989, pro-democracy protests erupted across Chinese universities—and Tibetan students were among them. In cities like Beijing, Chengdu, Xi’an, Xining, and Lanzhou, Tibetan youth participated actively.
事实上，在“六四”发生前，西藏本地高校也已有学生站出来为自由与尊严发声。1988 年 12 月 30 日，西藏大学藏文系和藏医系的所有学生联合上街示威游行，要求政府要真正落实明文规定之少数民族的各项政策。他们的口号包括：“学习藏语文、使用藏语文、发展藏语文”、“在西藏实行藏语文必须从实际出发”、“尊重藏民族的风俗习惯”、“坚决反对武装镇压群众示威” “世界和平万岁！”等 [6]。
Even before the Tiananmen student protest, students at Tibet University had taken action. On December 30, 1988, all students from the Tibetan Language and Tibetan Medicine departments marched, calling for the proper implementation of minority rights. Their slogans included: “Study, use, and develop the Tibetan language,” “Adapt language policies to Tibetan realities,” “Respect Tibetan customs,” “Oppose armed repression of protesters,” and “Long live world peace!” [6]
一年后，在全国各地高校，来自西藏自治区以及四省藏区的藏人青年积极参与学运。中央民族大学的抗议现场曾出现用藏汉双语写有“藏、人权、民主、自由”的横幅，藏人学生与汉人学生并肩绝食、游行。曾有来自青海湖畔的藏人学生在天安门抗议中受伤，背部中枪。据目击者回忆：“他是在低头捡东西时背部被子弹擦过。”[7] 该学生后来返回青海老家接受治疗。
A year later, Tibetan students from the TAR and other Tibetan regions joined protests in major universities. At Minzu University of China, Tibetan-Chinese bilingual banners read “Tibet, Human Rights, Democracy, Freedom.” Tibetan students marched and held hunger strikes alongside Han peers. A Tibetan student from Qinghai was injured during the Tiananmen protest—his back grazed by a bullet while bending down, according to witnesses. [7]He later returned home for treatment.
在西北地区，兰州的西北民族大学是当时藏人学生较为集中的高校之一。据回忆，西北民族大学的藏人学生主动邀请青海民族学院（现青海民族大学）的同胞来兰州合办抗议活动。这些参与者事后多数遭到档案记录、政治审查、工作阻碍，部分人甚至被学校提前清退 [7]。
In the northwest China, Tibetan students at Northwest Minzu University invited peers from Qinghai Minzu University to organize joint protests. Many of them later faced political repercussions, including surveillance, blocked job placements, and early expulsions. [7] 尤其值得指出的是，这些藏人青年参与学运，往往带着双重处境：一方面要反对中共在全国推行的专制制度，另一方面又要承受汉人社会中“少数民族”标签带来的隔阂。在主流“国族”叙事中，他们的牺牲往往被忽略。
It is important to note that Tibetan students faced a dual burden: resisting the CCP’s authoritarianism, while also being marginalized as “ethnic minorities” in Han-dominated society. Their sacrifices have often been overlooked in dominant national narratives.
达赖喇嘛的道义选择与中藏断交代价
The Dalai Lama’s Moral Stand and Diplomatic Consequences
1989 年 6 月 4 日凌晨，北京发生惨绝人寰的屠杀，成千上万的青年学生与市民在天安门广场附近被中共军队镇压，举世震惊。当晚，位于印度达兰萨拉的西藏流亡政府召开紧急会议，达赖喇嘛尊者在第一时间决定发布公开谴责声明。
In the early hours of June 4, 1989, the Chinese army brutally suppressed peaceful demonstrators in Beijing, shocking the world. That evening, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile in Dharamsala held an emergency meeting. The Dalai Lama swiftly issued a public condemnation.
他在声明中写道：
“中国掌权者武力镇压导致很多人失去了生命，我对此表示非常遗憾。中国领导人不接受民众的意愿和现实情况令人失望。我作为佛教徒向去世的人们表示哀悼，向遭受悲痛的亲人们表示同情与支持！”[8]
He wrote:
“I am deeply saddened that many people have lost their lives as a result of the violent crackdown by those in power in China. It is disappointing that the Chinese leaders do not accept the wishes of the people and the reality of the situation. As a Buddhist, I offer my condolences to those who have died and extend my sympathy and support to the victims' loved ones who are suffering from grief.” [8]
据时任流亡政府高级代表洛第嘉日（Lodi Gyari）回忆，部分官员试图劝说尊者暂缓声明以维持与中方的谈判机会，但达赖喇嘛坚定表示：“但如果我现在不说话，就没有道德权利再说有关自由与民主的议题了。”[7]
According to senior exile official Lodi Gyari, some advisors had urged the Dalai Lama to remain silent to preserve dialogue with Beijing. The Dalai Lama insisted: “If I don’t speak now, I will lose all moral right to ever speak of freedom and democracy.”[7]
1989 年 10 月 10 日，挪威诺贝尔委员会宣布将 1989 年诺贝尔和平奖颁发给西藏流亡人士第十四世达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措，以表彰他「为西藏自由和对非暴力和平解决西藏问题作出的努力和斗争」On October 10, 1989, the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced that the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, in exile in Tibet, in recognition of his "efforts and struggle for Tibetan freedom and for a non-violent and peaceful solution to the Tibetan issue."
事实上，1988 年至 1989 年初，藏人流亡政府和中共双方的谈判沟通一度频繁。中方曾主动表示愿意在香港或北京接见西藏流亡代表。1989 年初，邓小平与江泽民已委派接触渠道。达赖喇嘛的声明一出，即刻遭到中共强烈反弹。此后十余年藏中沟通全面中断，直到 2002 年才重启接触。
From 1988 to early 1989, communication between Beijing and the exile government had been frequent. The Chinese side had even proposed meetings in Hong Kong or Beijing, with Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin designating interlocutors. However, following the Dalai Lama’s statement, Beijing reacted furiously, and all contact was severed until 2002.
结语：铭记藏人的牺牲
Conclusion: Remembering Tibetan Sacrifice 当我们在 2025 年纪念“六四屠杀”三十六周年之际，也应铭记在这段历史中沉默或被忽略的藏人之声。西藏拉萨在天安门屠杀发生前，就已经历过更血腥的镇压；藏人学生更在六四运动中，承担了与汉人学生相同甚至更沉重的政治代价。同时，西藏流亡政府在关键时刻为谴责中共镇压学生，付出了极大的外交与战略成本。
As we commemorate the 36th anniversary of June Fourth Massacre in 2025, we must also remember the Tibetan voices that were silenced or ignored. Lhasa experienced a bloodier crackdown even before the Tiananmen massacre. Tibetan students bore the same—and often heavier—political costs. The Tibetan exile government also paid a high diplomatic price for standing with the students.
但我们不应简单地把藏人的抗争视为“中国民主运动”的一部分。藏人有自身的政治诉求，包括民族自决和维护本民族的宗教、语言和文化，这与汉人主导的民主运动并不完全相同。铭记藏人的参与和牺牲，意味着尊重他们追求自由与尊严的选择。
Yet we must not reduce Tibetan resistance to a subset of China’s democracy movement. Tibetans have distinct political goals—national self-determination, and the preservation of their religion, language, and culture—which are not entirely aligned with Han-led liberal narratives. Remembering their participation is an act of respect for their chosen path to freedom and dignity.正如达赖喇嘛在为六四事件中学生发声时所言：“如果我不能为他们开口，我将耻于开口谈自由与民主。”这句话，不仅是一位宗教领袖的道义宣言，也应成为所有民主追求者的信仰基石。
As the Dalai Lama said of the Tiananmen students: “If I cannot speak for them, I have no right to speak of freedom and democracy.” His words are not only a moral declaration of a spiritual leader but should be a foundation of belief for all who pursue justice.
参考文献 Sources:
4 NYT: Chinese Said to Kill 450 Tibetans in 1989
5 Biao Teng《拉萨镇压与北京镇压之间的连结》, 载《八九与西藏问题》, 2022 年
8 1989.06.05 達賴喇嘛聲明 1989.06.05 Statement by the Dalai Lama
文编/Authors : Tara Freesoul; Yamantaka
综合编辑/Editor：GD
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